Memento Vivere

In Europe, ideas about nature, God, demons, and occult forces were indistinguishably connected with much ink and blood spilt in arguments regarding the characteristics and boundaries of nature and the supernatural.

The inquisitions of the Middle Ages had been diocesan concerns and mostly fallen into decline by the late 1400s. In the 1500s, the emergence of various Protestant groups spurred Catholic authorities to centralize and reorganize the tribunal, to make it a primary tool for investigating and combating heresy within Catholic Christendom. Re-established and re-organized by the papal bull Licet ab initio in 1542, local inquisitions became creatures of the Roman Curia, with inquisitors chosen by the Pope — generally from the mendicant orders, mostly Dominicans but also Franciscans — and sent out to towns and cities around the Italian peninsula. A new congregation of cardinals (the Sacred Congregation of the Roman and Universal Inquisition or Holy Office) was established in Rome to oversee their work and to serve as a court of appeal.

The structure of the Venetian Holy Office was typical of the various Italian inquisitions, and of Catholic inquisitions in general, though Venice had its idiosyncrasies. In contrast to its medieval structure as a court controlled by the patriarch of Venice, the new Venetian tribunal consisted of the nuncio, the inquisitor, and the patriarch.

These three were joined by a trio of laymen or assistants, appointed by the Venetian Government, and by the staff members who had other ecclesiastical duties as well. By design, the tribunal’s members brought with them a mixture of loyalties and interests. The nuncio was the pope’s representative in Venice, and when hearing cases would have been sensitive to the implications for papal prerogatives, including such issues as the Inquisition’s right to extradite suspects to Rome — repeatedly a point of contention in Venice. He also tended to be more attuned to the diplomatic implications of investigative activities. The Inquisitor himself was typically a Dominican, and had served elsewhere before gaining the relatively prestigious appointment to watch over the Most Serene Republic.

The Pope chose the inquisitor from suggestions passed on by the cardinals of the Congregation of the Holy Office in Rome, but the Venetian Government exerted formal and informal diplomatic pressure on the Roman Curia to pick palatable candidates from Venetian territories. The Venetians also had influence over sitting inquisitors, as they could (and did, though rarely) demand the removal of those in whom they had lost confidence. The patriarch was also invariably a Venetian citizen as the Pope simply confirmed Venice’s choice for the office, and he was not necessarily a cleric when nominated. Thus, though in theory a representative of the Church, the patriarch brought a local sensibility to the tribunal.

As in other areas with sufficient independence from Rome’s political and religious control, the Venetian Holy Office also included local, lay-involvement in inquisitorial activities. Here, the Venetian government chose a trio of lay assistants, called the “tre savii sopra l’eresia” (the “three sages over heresy”) or simply the “assistenti”. The Venetian government chose these men from the highest ranks of the aristocracy based on their seniority, their government experience, and, sometimes, even their piety. Indeed, the savii included some of the most prominent names in Venetian politics, usually in the twilight of their careers.

During the trials, the savii were supposed to hold a purely advisory role: they were not allowed to vote on, nor did they sign, verdicts or sentences. However, these laymen were vital to the operation of the tribunal. Not only did one or more of them have to be present for the proceedings of the Holy Office to be valid, but the Inquisition depended on the state, through the savii, for police powers, for instance to arrest suspects or to carry out certain sentences, such as time on the pillory, whippings, galley service, and execution.

Thus, to achieve its goals, Rome had to negotiate with a Venice protective of its rights and privileges and the negotiations were not always smooth. Various popes had placed the Republic under interdicts, even resulting in war, several times over the centuries. However, such occasional discord does not mean that the state and the Holy Office were inevitably and continuously at loggerheads. Neither side was interested in protecting heresy; on the contrary, both felt they had an interest in suppressing it. The periodic dustups that did occur over inquisition activities were generally associated with more prominent defendants or with defendants whose cases somehow impinged on areas of disputed governmental authority — neither of which was generally the case with the trials of the often poor, usually female defendants accused of witchcraft. In these cases, the inquisitor and his colleagues had a great deal of autonomy from Venetian state control in making their decisions to prosecute and punish violations.

During the witch trials that swept 15th and 16th-century Europe, Venice was one of the few cities where there were no executions for witchcraft. There were, however, practicing witches. Some worked with the complicity of the Church, while others argued that their work was an extension of Catholic doctrine and therefore nothing wrong. A significant number of accused witches were also involved in sex work, or had clients who sought love spells.

During Venice’s plague outbreaks, the population, desperate for a cure, turned to both sanctioned and unsanctioned healers. The wealthy consulted physicians; the less wealthy consulted pharmacists or barber-surgeons; the penitent consulted clergy; and the poor or desperate consulted streghe, or witches. Although all cures were natural remedies, and likely ineffective against the plague, society did not treat all healers equally. The position of the streghe was further complicated when the Roman Inquisition established a tribunal in Venice in 1542.

As research continues, interest in the use of objects heightened. In numerous court cases, Accusers and Witnesses refer to the use of conventional items—from wax and sewing needles to kitchen herbs and beans ~that are seemingly transformed into powerful transmitters of magic. Ironically, some of the items mentioned in bewitching rituals, like holy oil and communion wafers, are also used by those practicing more orthodox forms of faith within the confines of their churches.

As explained that in research, the irony of the many situations did not stop at the objects. In fact, many women who practice magic are portrayed as healers until their healing powers and rituals fail their patients. In a specific case, two sisters are visited by patients unable to afford care outside of, or in addition to, formal medical treatment. Viewed as healers in the community, the sisters use everyday objects to perform magic on those who seek out their services.

In one case, Holy Office documents reveal that in desperation, a woman brought her injured son to the healers in hopes of curing a pain in his abdomen. The healer treated the boy with wine and biscuits made by nuns. The spiritual connotations of the food in combination with the healing ritual was sure to be the cure. However, when the boy become ill, the mother suspected and accused the sisters of witchcraft. Brought to trial, the accusation of their witchery is just one of the many accounts within Holy Office records where the practice of good and evil were subjective.

The idea that objects can be both good and evil, depending on their use or handler. Without a universal definition of witchcraft, so-called witches in Venice differ from others in Europe and their objects are unique to their work. In fact, Venetian witches did not usually seem interested in creating havoc on their communities. Instead, they focus on rituals and objects that can address daily life problems and can help them overcome challenges.

Focus on stregamenti (witchcraft things) within Venetian witchcraft leads down a path that many others have not explored. The work continues to shed light on the unique character of witchcraft, and its material components in Venice.

Historical sources like Holy Office records are valuable in helping us better understand past cultures and societies. When educating others on the nature of witchcraft, objects and their layers of meaning and use can act as vital evidence.